IWE Working Paper No. 1
Natascha Just, Michael Latzer
The European Policy Response to Convergence with Special Consideration of Competition Policy and Market
Power Control.
Abstract - File
(pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 2
Stefan W Schmitz
The Effects of Electronic Commerce on the Structure of Intermediation.
Abstract - File
(pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 3
Sonja Puntscher Riekmann
Law as Rule, Bargain or Aspiration.
File (pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 4
Sonja Puntscher Riekmann
Die Staatswerdung Europas. Einheit als Mythos und Integration als Technik.
IWE Working Paper No. 5
Otmar Höll, Sonja Puntscher Riekmann
The Austrian Presidency of the European Union. Assessment and Perspektives.
IWE Working Paper No. 6
Otmar Höll, Johannes Pollak, Sonja Puntscher Riekmann
Austria: Structural Domestic Change Through European Integration.
File (pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 7
Rainer Bauböck
Political Community beyond the Sovereign State. Supranational Federalism and Transnational
Minorities.
File
(pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 8
Rainer Bauböck
European Integration and the Politics of Identity
File (pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 9
Rogers Hollingsworth
Doing Institutional Analysis: Implications for the Study of Innovations.
File (pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 10
Sonja Puntscher Riekmann
Die Meister und ihr Instrument.
File (pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 11
Sonja Puntscher Riekmann
Der Riss im Vorhang.
File (pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 12
Stefan W Schmitz
Carl MengerÕs ÒMoneyÓ and the Current Neoclassical Models of Money.
Abstract
IWE Working Paper No. 13
Stefan W Schmitz
The Institutional Character of New Electronic Payments Systems: Redeemability and the Unit
of Account.
Abstract
IWE Working Paper No. 14
Rainer Bauböck
Public culture in societies of immigration.
Abstract - File
(pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 15
Rainer Bauböck
Multinational federalism: territorial or cultural autonomy?
File (pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 16
Michael Latzer, Stefan W Schmitz
Grundzüge der Digitalen Ökonomie des Mediamatik-Sektors.
Abstract - File
(pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 17
Rainer Bauböck
International Migration and Liberal Democracies. The Challenge of Integration.
File (pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 18
Rainer Bauböck
Reinventing Urban Citizenship.
File (pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 19
Stefan W Schmitz
Die New Economy - Literaturübersicht über methodische Grundlagen und empirische
Ergebnisse für die USA und ausgewählte G-7 Länder mit dem Schwerpunkt Deutschland.
Abstract - File
(pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 20
Johannes Pollak, Peter Slominski
Between Kant and Mega Constitutional Politics
File (pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 21
Michael Latzer, Stefan W Schmitz
B2C eCommerce: A Frictionless Market is not in Sight - Arguments and Policy Implications.
Abstract - File
(pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 22
Rainer Bauböck
Territorial or cultural autonomy for national minorities?
File (pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 23
Rainer Bauböck
Farewell to Multiculturalism? Sharing values and identities in societies of immigration
Abstract - File
(pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 24
Rainer Bauböck
How migration transforms citizenship: international, multinational and transnational perspectives.
Abstract - File
(pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 25
Natascha Just, Michael Latzer
Medienökonomie.
File (pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 26
Rainer Bauböck
United in Misunderstanding? Asymmetry in Multinational Federations.
Abstract - File
(pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 27
Johannes Pollak, Peter Slominski
Democratizing the European Union: Representation is nothing; Responsiveness is everything
.
Abstract - File
(pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 28
Johannes Pollak, Peter Slominski
Stillstand zwischen Aufbruch und Beharrung. Die österreichischen politischen Parteien
und die europäische Integration.
Abstract - File
(pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 29
Margaret Canovan
Flying the Flag: Reflections on Nationhood
File (pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 30
Monika Mokre, Johannes Pollak
Political Parties as Agents of European Democracy?
Abstract - File
(pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 31
Monika Mokre, Johannes Pollak
The Transformation of Austrian Political Parties through European Integration or How to Avoid
Reality
Abstract - File
(pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 32
Monika Mokre
Collective Identities in an Enlarged European Union
Abstract - File
(pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 33
Monika Mokre
Identities and Representation. On the Development of a European Democracy
Abstract - File
(pdf)
Working Paper No. 34
Rainer Bauböck
Towards a political theory of migrant transnationalism
File (pdf)
Working Paper No. 35
Rainer Bauböck
Wessen Stimme zaehlt? Thesen über demokratische Beteiligung in der Einwanderungsgesellschaft
Abstract - File
(pdf)
Working Paper No. 36
Philip Resnick (University of British Columbia, Vancouver)
Recognition & Ressentiment: On Accommodating National Differences within Multinational
States
Abstract - File
(pdf)
Working Paper No. 37
Rainer Bauböck
Multilevel citizenship and territorial borders in the EU polity
Abstract - File
(pdf)
Working Paper No. 38
Klaus Poier
Electoral Law in the European Union
File (pdf)
Working Paper No. 39
Bedanna Bapuly
The Application of EC Law in Austria
Abstract - File
(pdf)
Working Paper No. 40
Andreas Maurer
Mass Media Publicized Discourses on the Post-Nice Process.
File (pdf)
Working Paper No. 41
Rainer Bauböck
Politische Grenzen in einer postwestfälischen Weltordnung
Abstract - File
(pdf)
Working Paper No. 42
Rainer Bauböck
Paradoxes of self-determination and the right to self-government
Abstract - File
(pdf)
IWE Working Paper No. 1
Natascha Just and Michael Latzer
The European Policy Response to Convergence with Special Consideration of Competition Policy and Market
Power Control. Präsentiert auf der 49. Konferenz der ICA (International Communication Association),
27. - 31. Mai, 1999, San Francisco.
This paper addresses the controversial subject of convergence in the communications sector and analyzes the regulatory implications of this phenomenon, in particular the leading role and steps taken by the European Commission with regard to media and telecommunications policies. Special attention will be given to the implications of convergence for European competition policy and market power control, as these policy aspects are at the very center of the debate while Europe moves towards the "information society". In liberalized and converged markets competition policy is a very important, but also a very contentious area of concern. It is a prime example of the clash between the telematics and the media side, of the clash between economic rationales and cultural concerns.
We start with a brief description of the changed societal communications system of the information
society, called mediamatics (media & telematics), followed by an outline of the policy
challenges it involves and a rough delineation of a suitable mediamatics policy. This will
be followed by a description and analysis of the European CommissionÕs initiatives
in response to the convergence phenomenon. We will then turn to the analysis of competition
policy and market power issues, highlighting some major characteristics of the European competition
policy framework, analyzing the challenges posed by convergence and offering some conclusions
regarding the reform of these policy fields.
IWE Working Paper No. 2
Stefan W. Schmitz
The Effects of Electronic Commerce on the Structure of Intermediation.
Präsentiert auf der IAMCR Konferenz (International Association of Media and Communication Research), 27. - 31. August, 1999, Leipzig.
The paper questions the notion that the diffusion of electronic commerce will lead to disintermediation.
Rather than interpreting intermediation as a single service it is pointed out that intermediaries
can provide a number of services. The analysis based on the New Institutional Economics,
Market Microstructure Theory, and Information Economics shows that the three intermediation
services studied are, generally, not under threat by the diffusion of electronic commerce.
The overall effects on intermediation depend on the relevance of these service relative to
others (e.g. order processing) which are supposed to become obsolete.
IWE Working Paper No. 12
Stefan W Schmitz
Carl MengerÕs ÒMoneyÓ and the Current Neoclassical Models of Money.
The paper analyzes three neoclassical models of money with emphasis on the equilibrium concepts
employed. It is argued that the neoclassical theories fail to analyze the emergence of the
social institution of money. Instead, they focus on the consistency of individual decisions
regarding the rational acceptability of intrinsically worthless objects given the social
institution of money and the Pareto superiority of the allocations in monetary vis-à-vis
barter economies. The equilibrium concepts employed by neoclassical theories are not suitable
for the study of the emergence of new electronic payment systems. Instead, a theory of the
emergence of social institutions, of institutional change is required: the Mengerian method
of institutional analysis.
IWE Working Paper No. 12
Download not available. A revised version will be published in: Carl Menger and the Evolution of Payments
Systems: From Barter to Electronic Money, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, M. Latzer, S. W. Schmitz (eds.)
(forthcoming March 2002)
IWE Working Paper No. 13
Stefan W Schmitz
The Institutional Character of New Electronic Payments Systems: Redeemability and the Unit of Account.
A number of commentators have argued that technological innovation is about to change the institutional
structure of the retail payments system. Through the potential private issue of currency via new
electronic payments systems electronic money individuals will create currencies based on units of
account different from the dominant unit of account in the respective market. Thereby, the efficiency
of the retail payments system would be enhanced. The following paper, however, denies the desirability
of the parallel use of multiple units of account and the feasibility of competition in fiat-type
currencies. The recent literature and MengerÕs views on the subject are surveyed. Furthermore,
the question is analyzed from an evolutionary point of view based on the interpretation of new electronic
payments systems as networks The strategic incentives for issuers and users of currency to switch
from the existing dominant unit of account to an alternative one are discussed. It is concluded that
new electronic payments systems will provide redeemability on demand and that they will not diminish
the role the national currencies as the dominant unit of account without specific regulation interfering
in the their evolution.
IWE Working Paper No. 13
Stefan W Schmitz
The Institutional Character of New Electronic Payments Systems: Redeemability and the Unit of Account.
Download not available. A revised version will be published in: Carl Menger and the Evolution of Payments
Systems: From Barter to Electronic Money, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, M. Latzer, S. W. Schmitz (eds.)
(forthcoming March 2002)
IWE Working Paper No. 14
Rainer Bauböck
Public culture in societies of immigration.
Democratic societies need a shared public culture that is not necessarily a homogenous and comprehensive
national culture. The paper discusses how public cultures may have to become more pluralistic in
response to immigration. It provides a third perspective in the debate on multiculturalism where
those who advocate assimilation into a given national culture confront the advocates of ethnic minority
rights. Alongside legal equality, economic opportunities and minority rights, an inclusive public
culture is one condition for successful integration strategies. Two core elements of public culture
are public language regimes and the public histories of the political community. First, with regard
to language the paper suggests a combination of linguistic liberty for immigrants to use their native
languages, necessary assimilation into the dominant language, accommodation of immigrant languages
through translation and interpreter services, and public recognition and support for voluntary maintenance,
e.g. through optional mother tongue education. The overall effect of combining these approaches is
a considerable linguistic pluralization in a shared public culture rather than a separation of linguistic
communities with their own territories or public spheres. Second, as newcomers from diverse origins
immigrants do not share the national history of the political community. There seem to be only the
two options: either they adopting this history as their own or they keep their historical memories
as something that separates them from the wider society. The paper argues, however, that there is
a third option of reconstructing the receiving societyÕs past so that immigration comes to
be seen as a constitutive element of that history. The conclusion interprets pluralistic responses
to immigration as a step towards a self-transformative public culture that institutionalizes its
own change without abandoning the goal of integration. It suggests that such inclusion may also be
a condition for stable democratic support for minority rights.
IWE Working Paper No. 16
Michael Latzer und Stefan W Schmitz
Grundzüge der Digitalen Ökonomie des Mediamatik-Sektors.
Die vorliegende Arbeit behandelt die Digitale Ökonomie des Mediamatik-Sektors des transformierten
Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologiesektors in drei Abschnitten: (i) Eingangs werden die grundlegenden
Trends, die die Entwicklung des Mediamatik-Sektors nachhaltig prägen, dargestellt. Damit wird
die Digitale Ökonomie in einen interdisziplinären Kontext mit der Transformation des gesellschaftlichen
Kommunikationssystems und deren Politik gestellt. Weiters wird eine Abgrenzung des makroökonomischen
Konzeptes der New Economy vom industrieökonomischen Konzept der Digitalen Ökonomie vorgenommen.
(ii) Im Hauptteil der Arbeit (Abschnitt 2) werden die Charakteristika der Digitalen Ökonomie
dargestellt. Ausgehend von den industrieökonomischen Grundlagen werden die Auswirkungen auf
Unternehmens-strategien, Marktstrukturen und die Wettbewerbspolitik erläutert. Es wird u.a.
gezeigt wie neue Unternehmens-strategien mit ÒaltenÒ ökonomischen Konzepten erklärt
werden können. (iii) In Abschnitt 3 werden die Implikationen der grundlegenden Trends für
die Rahmen-bedingungen der Politik des Mediamatik-Sektors präsentiert. Diese Implikationen beziehen
sich somit nicht nur auf die Auswirkungen der Digitalen Ökonomie.
IWE Working Paper No. 19
Stefan W Schmitz
Die New Economy - Literaturübersicht über methodische Grundlagen und empirische Ergebnisse
für die USA und ausgewählte G-7 Länder mit dem Schwerpunkt Deutschland.
Im ersten Teil des vorliegenden Arbeitspapiers werden zahlreiche makro- und mikroökonomische
Studien zu den Auswirkungen der Verbreitung von Informations- und Kommunikations-Technologien auf
die Produktivität in einer Literaturübersicht dargestellt. Es wird gezeigt, dass unterschiedliche
Datenquellen und unterschiedliche Methoden zu unterschiedlichen Befunden führen. Weiters wird
betont, dass die ordnungspolitischen Maßnahmen, deren Bedeutung von zahlreichen europäischen
und amerikanischen WirtschaftswissenschaftlerInnen und PolitikerInnen betont wird, aufgrund methodischer
Beschränkungen in der empirischen Analyse nicht berücksichtigt werden können.
Abgeschlossen wird der erste Teil durch die Diskussion der Auswirkungen der New Economy auf den Konjunkturzyklus,
wobei gegenwärtig weder eindeutige theoretische noch empirische Belege für eine Reduktion
der Volatilität der konjunkturellen Entwicklung durch die New Economy gefunden werden können.
Der Schwerpunkt des zweiten Teils liegt auf der Frage, ob die New Economy in Deutschland bereits
Fuß gefaßt habe. Als Referenzrahmen für die Analyse der deutschen Daten werden die
empirischen Ergebnisse für ausgewählte G-7 Länder sowie Österreich dargestellt.
Anhand unterschiedlicher Studien wird der Zusammenhang zwischen IKT-Diffusion und Dynamik, Produktivitätsentwicklung
sowie Wirtschaftswachstum skizziert. Die Charakteristika der New Economy sind in Deutschland noch
nicht zu beobachten. Die im internationalen Vergleich geringe IKT-Diffusion und Dynamik in Deutschland
erklären allerdings nur einen Teil der Wachstumsdifferenz zu den USA.
IWE Working Paper No. 21
Michael Latzer, Stefan W Schmitz
B2C eCommerce: A Frictionless Market is not in Sight - Arguments and Policy Implications.
In this paper we challenge the widely held view that B2C eCommerce markets are, or at least tend to
be frictionless. We summarise and classify the common arguments for frictionless eCommerce markets
as widely technology centred. We emphasize industrial economic considerations, business strategies,
and empirical evidence. Even though the arguments for a frictionless B2C eCommerce market are not
dismissed, we argue that those against a frictionless market eventually prevail. Although some of
these characteristics lead to (potential) market failure, we argue for a sensible use of government
interventions, taking into account possible inefficiencies of regulatory policies due to rapidly
changing technology and business strategies. Nevertheless, heterogeneity of composite goods and asymmetric
information limit consumer sovereignty and provide a rational for consumer and data protection regulation.
Furthermore, size plays a crucial role in B2C eCommerce, which – together with endogenous barriers
to entry – limit the exploitation of potential benefits for SMEs.
For critics of multiculturalism societies of immigration need to strengthen cohesion based on shared
democratic values and national identities. The paper suggests that democratic values are not a sufficient
basis for political cohesion because they are universal and cannot identify a particular polity towards
which one ought to be loyal. Immigrants are always asked to accept a package deal that includes not
only democratic values but also the hegemony of established national cultures. Shared democratic
values may also be not strictly necessary for political cohesion. They must be embedded in political
institutions and ought to be respected by office holders, democratic politicians and parties, but
democratic states must tolerate that most citizens appear to hold illiberal beliefs including illiberal
attitudes towards immigrants. Immigrants are then often asked to profess a commitment to values that
citizens do not widely share. If political loyalty cannot be exclusively based on democratic values,
must societies of immigration then ask newcomers to assimilate into a shared national identity? The
paper argues that this requires first a self-transformation of these identities in response to immigration.
Instead of regarding shared identities as overriding all other affiliations, democratic states should
see them as overarching and overlapping. Different attitudes towards dual nationality illustrate
the implication of this suggestion. The paper concludes by proposing a "catalyst" model
of multiculturalism as an alternative to the metaphors of the melting pot, the salad bowl and the
mosaic.
Citizenship is a status of full and equal membership in a self-governing political community. Relations
between such communities can be of three different kinds: international, multinational or transnational.
International relations are external ones between independent states; multinational relations are
internal ones between different national communities within a larger polity; transnational relations
refer to overlapping spheres of sovereignty, membership and political activity between independent
polities. Migration across state borders can be interpreted as involving each of these three relations.
Seen from an international perspective, migration does not affect the conception of citizenship in
the receiving society because migrantsÕ rights depend primarily on their citizenship of origin
and on international human rights. Alternatively, migration has been seen as creating new forms of
multinational diversity through an export of national cultures from countries of origin to countries
of destination. I suggest that the best interpretation of the impact of migration on democratic citizenship
is a transnational one that recognizes migrantsÕ overlapping political affiliations and resulting
linkages between states. My paper explores policy implications of this perspective for citizenship
in receiving and sending states.
Multinational democracies are plagued by asymmetric national identities and demands for a corresponding
asymmetric division of powers between regional units. The majority population regards the larger
state as a single nation with equal citizenship for all members and equal powers for all provinces,
whereas national minorities want special recognition and powers for their autonomous territories.
A highly asymmetric federal division of powers impedes democratic deliberation and participation,
undermines federal cohesion and violates a sense of shared and equal federal citizenship. However,
these arguments need to take into account the specific context of multinational democracies with
a history of interlocking nation-building projects. In such countries national identities can be
neither fully shared nor neutralized. The best explanation for the relative stability of multinational
federal democracies is not that national minorities have eventually developed a second and overriding
national identity that commits them to respect the integrity of the larger polity, but that majorities
and minorities have developed common interests and identities as citizens of a multilevel polity.
In order to sustain a common sense of citizenship, the powers of constituent units must be fairly
symmetric; in order to make it compatible with the aspirations of minorities for self-government,
these powers must be strongly devolved and must allow for a public affirmation of their distinct
national identities. The challenge for constitutional politics in multinational federations is thus
to combine the recognition of asymmetric national identities with an attempt to maintain a fairly
symmetric federal division of powers.
Increasing the democratic quality of the European Union implies to enhance its representational character.
But what is representation all about? By deconstructing the essentialistic features and myth of this
concept, we realise that a more narrow and precise concept emerges - that of responsiveness. Furthermore,
we argue that the often neglected political parties may be the only acceptable players to ensure
this much needed responsiveness.
This working paper tries to assess the impact of AustriaÕs EU-membership
on the political parties. Starting with a short analysis of each partyÕs
pre-membership position towards the integration process and a succinct overview
of its institutional embeddedness on the European level, the paper shows that
membership in the EU has brought significant changes regarding the internal organisation
of the parties. Despite these institutional transformation AustriaÕs political
parties have some difficulties to adopt with regards to matters of substance.
The paper aims to contribute to the debate about the so-called democratic deficit of the European
Union by asking "Who will be the agents of democracy in the European Union?" Representative
institutional arrangements require the aggregation and organisation of peoples´ interests.
We ask therefore whether and how national political parties are capable of assuming these roles in
the European domain and how their structure and function on the national level is transformed. The
question is not only whether parties matter in the European integration process, but what parties
actually do in order to maintain their relevance. Besides contributing to the scientific analysis
of European integration and the role of parties therein, the paper aims to suggest ways for a democratisation
of the Union.
The aim of this paper is to analyse and qualify the changes Austrian national parties are subjected
to due to European Integration , to explore the reactions of parties to them and to show possible
ways of re-affirming the role of parties within the European polity. To reach this goal a theoretical
framework combining institutional theory, party theory and policy analysis was developed to analyse
parties with the help of written documents (party programmes, election programmes etc.) and interviews
with party representatives. Our main result is that while party representatives recognize that national
political parties are affected by European integration they understand this change only in a very
superficial way and react accordingly. Concretely, trans-European co-operation is much enhanced while
national party organisations and activities are only to a very small degree influenced by European
integration..
The paper takes the normative stance that collective identities of Europe should be built on common
political values and aims and not on vague ideas of cultural relations. In accordance with Habermas
it is argued that political identities are much more a consequence than a presupposition of the emergence
of new polities. As case studies for the problems of the integration process and the building of
a common European identity the so-called EU- sanctions against Austria and the conflict between the
Czech Republic and Austria because of the nuclear power station Temelin are analysed. Finally, the
paper discusses the process to establish a European constitution and the debate on the future of
Europe.
This paper focuses on the relationship between collective identities in a democratic political system
and forms of representation. Political representation is an important way of structuring a political
community. In order to do so, an "idée directrice" (M. Hauriou) of a political entity
is needed. It is argued that a working European democracy has to be more than a poorer version of
the nation state on a supranational level.
There are two ways how immigrants can get access to voting rights: through naturalization or by extending
the franchise to non-citizen residents. This paper argues that these two paths are not mutually exclusive.
Access to naturalization should, however, enjoy priority insofar as it cannot be replaced by non-citizen
voting rights. Under the condition of open access to citizenship a residence-based national franchise
is compatible with the integrity of the democratic process, but it is not required for democratic
legitimacy. Arguments for a local franchise for all residents are much stronger than for national
voting rights. Therefore, the franchise for non-citizens in the municipality should be regarded not
merely as a permissible democratic experiment, but as a political goal for all immigration states.
The core argument is that, within a multilevel democratic community, local self-government requires
a corresponding autonomous conception of membership. This different conception can be articulated
through granting automatic access to full political rights for all residents in the local community.
One of the key features of minority nationalities within multinational states like Belgium, Canada,
Spain, and the United Kingdom lies in the demand for recognition. Another key feature of such states,
however, lies in the resentment that exists both on the part of minority nationalities towards majority
ones, but also on the part of majority nationalities towards minorities. This paper seeks to explore
the underlying relationship between recogntiion and resentment in such states and to explore the
basis on which a modis vivendi between the different nationalities can be achieved.
The paper explores norms for the determination of membership and territorial borders in different
types of polities. The European Union is a nested polity composed of member states that are themselves
nested polities with autonomous municipalities and regions. The rules for acquisition of citizenship
and for changes of external borders through enlargement or secession are essentially different in
member states and in the Union. The distinct normative boundary structures of the Union indicate
that it is neither a state nor an international organization but a new type of supranational polity.
The paper suggests nevertheless that political integration of the Union has significant impacts on
the way member states define their own boundaries and proposes some modest reforms that could strengthen
a supranational conception of democracy in the Union, such as a harmonization of nationality laws
in the member states or a procedural secession clause in a new constitution of the EU.
This paper addresses the changes Austrian Judiciary had to face after accession to the EU and answers
two questions based on a perennial empirical study: What are the potential errors in the application
of EC Law? How to deal with the challenges of applying EC Law and of co-operating with the ECJ? Creating
awareness for the mistakes of the past may help avoiding them in the future. Therefore, the guidelines
on the application of EC Law provided in this paper contribute in saving the Member States of the
EU from being held responsible for the violation of EC Law by the Judiciary. Furthermore, the author
submits proposals for improving persisting deficiencies.
Die Globalisierungsdebatte der 1990er Jahre und die gegenwärtige Debatte um die neue monopolare
Weltordnung haben gezeigt, dass die Annahme ãgeschlossener GesellschaftenÒ (John Rawls)
auch für normative Theorien zunehmend fragwürdig wird. Theorien globaler Gerechtigkeit
waren bislang lediglich auf zwei Arten von Akteuren fixiert, denen politischer und moralischer Status
zuerkannt wurde: unabhängige Staaten und menschliche Individuen. Für beide Akteure galten
in normativer Hinsicht Prinzipien der horizontalen Gleichberechtigung und Unabhängigkeit. Theorien,
die sich vorrangig mit innerstaatlicher Gerechtigkeit und Demokratie befassen, haben dagegen seit
den 1990er Jahren oft für gruppendifferenzierte Bürgerrechte und kulturelle oder politische
Autonomie von innerstaatlichen Minderheiten plädiert. Mein Beitrag wird argumentieren, dass
dieser Impuls auch für suprastaatliche und globale Ebenen relevant ist. Der Bezugspunkt idealer
Theorien sollte ein Mehrebenenmodell ineinander verschachtelter und teilweise überlappender
politischer Gemeinschaften sein. In territorialer Hinsicht sollten lokale Gemeinden, autonome innerstaatliche
Regionen, unabhängige Staaten, supranationale Gemeinschaften und die globale Staatenordnung
unterschieden werden. Für jede dieser Ebenen politischer Gemeinschaft gelten spezifische normative
Prinzipien hinsichtlich der Ansprüche auf politische Autonomie, auf soziale Gerechtigkeit und
für die Festlegung und Durchlässigkeit der jeweiligen Außengrenzen. In einem solchen
Modell ist es nicht nur leichter möglich, den Ansprüchen von Migranten und nationalen Minderheiten
gerecht zu werden, sondern auch in Europa neue Formen der Demokratie im supranationalen Raum zu erproben,
ohne diese ins Korsett traditioneller Staatlichkeit einzuzwängen.
The paper examines paradoxes and inconsistencies of self-determination rights in international law
and in political theory and concludes that these emerge from two sources: the question who is a people
with the right of self-determination and the idea that such peoples have an inherent right to freely
choose their political status. On the second issue, the paper defends restrictions on secession against
libertarian and liberal nationalist approaches and argues for recognizing instead a primary right
to self-government that can be sufficiently guaranteed by various federal arrangements for collective
autonomy and representation. National minority self-government and the territorial integrity of a
multinational state should be regarded as two sides of the same coin. Rather than viewing self-government
as an internal application of a broader principle of self-determination, self-determination claims
become legitimate only when self-government rights are persistently violated. This move leaves open
the question which groups should be regarded as peoples with a right to self-government. The paper
suggests that answering this question would lead to recognizing self-governing political communities
below and above the level of independent states as subjects of international law.